BOHEMIA AND THE EUROPEAN CRISIS
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|colspan=2|The New Europe |- | style="border-bottom:2px solid black"|Vol. II, No. 19.||style="text-align:right; border-bottom:2px solid black"|February 22, 1917 |}
The Future Status of Bohemia
“Before Austria was, we were, and when Austria no longer is, we still shall be.”—Palacky, on Bohemia.
In a previous article, “Bohemia and the European Crisis,”[1] an attempt was made to show by a succinct historical sketch the political meaning of the Bohemian question. Until the war broke out Western public opinion displayed little interest in the constitutional and political problems of the AustroHungarian Monarchy and its constituent countries, and even during the war attention has been mainly directed to Germany to the exclusion of Austria-Hungary. It was but natural that many political amateurs should fight against a recognition of the fact that Austria-Hungary was no less an enemy of Great Britain than Germany herself. Fortunately the leading statesmen of Britain and her Allies grasped the true situation, as has been clearly shown by their programme proclaiming the liberation of the non-German and non-Magyar nations of Austria-Hungary—in other words, the dismemberment of the Dual Monarchy. One of the nations to be liberated is the Czecho-Slovak, which, as I have tried to show, has the full right to independence. Bohemia is, indeed, in point of law, an independent State whose ancient rights are disputed and violated by the Germans and Magyars. The Bohemian question is not a mere question of nationality, and cannot be solved by granting a greater or less degree of home rule and autonomy; there are political considerations as well. Bohemia is struggling for independence, and the
- ↑ The New Europe, No. 15.
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